Catholic Charities Adoption
Progress Ctholicism
Most scholars see the appearance of progressive Catholicism as a radical break with the past. Move focus to the solution of economic and political problems of the poor define progressive Catholicism (Bruneau 45). Latin America is Catholic progressivism in general, dating back to the Vatican II (1962-65). It was at this historic conference (originally designed to meet the challenges of modernization in Europe) that "democratic" reforms first introduced and sanctioned by the papacy (Hewitt 123). Mass was said in the vernacular, church members were to practice tolerance of ideas alternatives, and greater attention should be paid to social justice. But in reality, few churches in Latin America before these reforms at least a decade, especially in relation to social justice. Brazil has opened the door. During the 1950s, the bishops of Brazil have expressed interest in the land reform campaigns literacy, and rural cooperatives (Mainwaring 128). These efforts go beyond the traditional alms giving favored in the past, but rather represent a genuine desire to improve living conditions in the long term, the lower classes. Even before the conclusion of Vatican II, attention was also to promote greater lay participation in religious services in Brazil.
No activity in Latin America crystallized the progressive movement than the Second General Conferences held in Medellin, Colombia, in 1968 (Mainwaring 148). The purpose of the meeting of bishops from throughout the region has been to implement reforms and the recommendations of Vatican 11 Latin American context. Under the direction of progressive bishops such as Dom Helder Camara (Brazil) and Raul Silva Henriquez (Chile) This conference was held by his statement in favor of social justice, later called "option for the poor." Apparently, the poor have always had a special place in Catholic doctrine. However, the Brazilian bishops held necessary to publicly declare support for this social group. Given the tainted past of the Church when it comes to serving the poor, the least we could do.
For the preferred option in the action, conference participants called for the city Development Medellin Ecclesial Communities (CEB), known in English under the Basic Ecclesial Communities (Mainwaring 89). In general, the range of CCS activities is quite wide. Despite his reputation for radical political activity, without taking should be made as to its ideological content. Most people involved in the grassroots mainly for their religious content, and often ignore the political messages spread by progressive leaders.
The engine of Catholic progressivism intellectual in the 1960s and 1970s was the theology of liberation. Such defined by one of its founders, Gustavo Gutierrez, Theology of Liberation aims reflect on the experience and meaning of faith commitment based on the removal of injustice and build a new society that theology must be verified by the practice this commitment through active participation and effective in the fight that exploited social classes have begun against their oppressors (Hewitt 56)
Two items reflected this philosophy. The first is its reliance on Marxist methodology. More specifically, the liberation theologians of their basic understanding of poverty in America America on dependency theory, a perspective that considers poverty and repression in the Third World as a direct function of the capitalist world economy dominated by Western Europe and the United States. Central solutions to persistent underdevelopment offers many dependency theorists and theologians of liberation is the concept of class struggle. This condition radical Catholics, the intellectual justification they need to participate in the revolutionary movement in the 1970s. Second, focus on praxis theologians release or put words in the liberating work of the Gospel. For this reason, liberation theologians have been more CEBS strong supporters, giving the basic movement of the community and a reputation for political radicalism. Although both CEBS and liberation theology have had an impact Qualitative significant Catholic thought and action, these movements are quantitatively small (Hewitt 55). His main influence was the answer it does not break The priests and bishops to think more carefully about the plight of the poorest of his parishioners. Many bishops have been receptive to this challenge, others not.
In terms of church-state relations, the Catholic liberalism manifests itself as opposition to authoritarian rule. Bishops denounce not only several leaders military, but rejected the authoritarianism as a method of the article itself. This represents a significant break with the Church's traditional preference for the elite based policy. In the past, whenever the Church considers their interests were threatened in some way by a government, has launched support for the elites who opposed the Governors session. In early 1960, this strategy has changed. Focusing on a preferential option for the poor to defend the implicit interest the working class against the dictatorial abuses. The policies adopted by military governments in the 1970s had the effect of distributing income upward, away from lower classes. To accomplish this task with a minimum of social resistance, dictators use to new levels of repression. unions and other grassroots organizations led class the brunt of this assault. To show their solidarity with the popular sectors bishops publicly condemned the economic policies and repressive tactics on military regime. In addition, these bishops also attacked the philosophical foundations of an authoritarian regime as inherently unfair.
In Brazil, the bishops said the dictatorship (1964 to 1985) by consolidating a number of progressive elements that are being made in various dioceses. base communities have expanded, but still reached only a small fraction of the country's Catholic population. Episcopal critical human rights violations and economic injustice has grown increasingly common in the early 1960s with the appointment of Aloisio Lorscheider as Secretary General of the Conference of Bishops of the Church and the rise of Dom Paulo Arns to the archdiocese of Sao Paulo in 1970 (Serbin 45).
Brazil witnessed the emergence of more progressive bishops region relatively soon, before Vatican II. This immediately raises the question of how the Vatican II could have pastoral progressive reforms in this country when it had not occurred yet. It is important that Brazil has experienced rapid growth in non-Catholic in the 1930s and 1940s, when growth is still relatively small Protestant elsewhere. Thus, Brazil bishops implement progressive reforms in the 1940s and 50 in an effort to improve its credibility with the working class and stop the exodus of Catholic faith. In terms of political alliances, each bishop has requested the assistance of the democratic state of previous military regime, but there was no obvious trend to the reformist parties that were more in harmony with the masses.
The first Brazilian bishops sought to avoid the Protestant advance the 1930s and 1940s, in seeking a ban on the entry of missionaries in their countries (Mainwaring 197). A renewed and strengthened partnership with the State under Getúlio Vargas strengthened its capacity to take such defensive actions, Although the State's cooperation on this issue has been lukewarm at best. On the one hand, the bishops tried to use their ties with the elite policy to prevent the entry of missionaries. The laws have been enacted, strengthened or implemented in several countries and it is illegal to import the Bible. A request of several bishops, President Getúlio Vargas pressure on the United States government to limit the number of evangelical missionaries in Brazil in the early 1940 (Hewitt 44). This problem arose when the U.S. tried to convince Brazil to join the Allies in World War II. Vargas, not particularly interested in obtaining military input, the delay Brazil until the war was won finally. Negotiations on the Protestant missionaries, while directly benefiting the Catholic hierarchy probably served as one of the many tactics Vargas, rather than representing a genuine desire to help the Church. The restrictions were not adopted.
Many leaders of the church realized that a new ministry was necessary if Brazil was to remain a predominantly Catholic nation (Mainwaring 213). Learning from the success of the missionaries Protestants, the Catholic hierarchy fostered many social projects and organizations with a view to improving the lives of the working class and poor at the beginning of the decade 1940. Many techniques used by the Brazilian Church reflects the efforts of Protestants, including basic literacy campaigns centered around reading and discussion of the Bible, clinics, and rural cooperatives. Finally, the Brazilian Church has given birth to the movement of the Community base. However, in 1964, Brazilian army came to power in order to demobilize the masses. When it became apparent to the episcopate, that the regime intends to stay indefinitely in power, relations deteriorated. Having made a substantial commitment to the needs of the poor, it was difficult for the Church to maintain credibility if it had supported a dictatorship that opposed their interests.
Most of its existence in Latin America, the Catholic Church in Brazil enjoyed the convenience of being the sole provider of goods and religious services. This That changed in the twentieth century. Although the doors were opened for Protestantism in the mid-decade 1800, is expected to expand significantly after 1930. Not only the Protestant missionary position to challenge the hegemony of Catholicism, but a derivative of Protestantism Indians of North America – Pentecostalism – Awake many bishops and clergy in the fact that the region can not have been as Catholic as previously thought. If the Church should remain a spiritual and moral force in Brazilian society, it must match the pastoral efforts raised by the Protestant churches. Being associated with political and economic elite for so long, a credible commitment to the poor means publicly distancing itself from abusive governments.
It would be shortsighted to say the need to compete with Protestantism was the only factor influencing the decision of the bishops to oppose the military dictatorship. The increase in poverty and repression, promoted reforms in the Vatican II and Medellin, the bold decisions by individuals, and martyrdom has catalyzed a new attitude towards the military regime. However, religious competition is a key element in explaining the variation in responses across the region. The competition included the renovation of the church had to understand repression against poverty and the most serious problems require temporary acts of charity.
All this does not mean that the bishops in the cases in favor of authoritarian Brazil have been very concerned about the poverty and repression (in whatever behavior seems insensitive). But the costs of opposition to the government (eg loss of funding for church programs or physical repression) outweigh the benefits (measured in the composition of retention). Therefore, the episcopate had an incentive to maintain friendly relations with an unpopular government in the short term, while the hope of better social conditions in the future. Certainly there who begged the bishops to rethink its relationship with the ruling elite, but most of the parishioners just stayed quiet, as it always has been. In other words, there was no mechanism (or alarm) to inform the bishops, who have not acted in accordance with popular wishes.
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